History of Samarkand. A brief history of one of the oldest cities in the world and Uzbekistan - the city of Samarkand Capture of Samarkand by Russian troops

V.V. Vereshchagin. "Attack by Surprise"

After the unsuccessful Crimean War of 1853-1856. The Russian government was forced to temporarily change the vector of its foreign policy from the western (Europe) and southwestern (Balkans) to the eastern and southeastern. The latter seemed very promising both in terms of economic (acquisition of new sources of raw materials and markets for industrial products) and geopolitical (expanding the limits of the empire, weakening Turkish influence in Central Asia and taking positions that threaten British possessions in India).

The solution to the problem of advancing to Central Asia seemed very simple. By the middle of the XIX century. most of the Kazakh steppe was under Russian control; the local settled population economically gravitated towards Russia; the Central Asian state formations (the Emirate of Bukhara, the Kokand and Khiva khanates), torn apart by internal political contradictions, could not offer serious resistance. The main "opponents" of the Russian troops were considered long distances, impassability (it is difficult to supply food and ammunition, maintain communications) and an arid climate.

Fighting against the highlanders in the Caucasus and the Polish uprising of 1863-1864. delayed the start of the campaign in Central Asia. Only in the second half of May 1864 did the detachments of colonels N.A. Veryovkin and M.G. Chernyaev moved from the Syr-Darya fortified line and from Semirechye in the general direction to Tashkent (the largest city in the region, whose population exceeded 100 thousand people.

Speaking on May 22, 1864 from Fort Perovsky, a small detachment of Verevkin (5 companies of infantry, 2 hundreds of Cossacks, a hundred Kazakh policemen, 10 artillery pieces and 6 mortars), following up the river. Syr Darya, two weeks later reached the city and fortress of Turkestan, which belonged to the Kokand Khanate. Bek (the ruler) rejected the demand for surrender, but, not hoping for the success of the defense, he soon left the city to the mercy of fate. And then the unexpected happened: the inhabitants of Turkestan put up stubborn resistance to the Russian troops. The fighting went on for three days, and only on June 12 the fortress was taken. For this victory, N.A. Verevkin was promoted to major general and awarded the Order of St. George, 4th class. However, Verevkin did not dare to go with his small detachment to densely populated Tashkent, surrounded by a 20-kilometer fortress wall, and began to strengthen power in the conquered territories.

Having a larger detachment (8.5 companies, 1.5 hundreds of Cossacks, 12 guns (a total of 1.5 thousand regular troops and 400 people of the Kazakh police), M.G. Chernyaev occupied Aulie-Ata on June 4, 1864 (fortification located on the left bank of the Talas River on the road from Verny to Tashkent.On September 27, he captured the large city of Chimkent and attacked Tashkent on the move. However, the siege and assault on October 2-4 of the main Central Asian city ended in failure and on October 7 Chernyaev returned to Chimkent.

The Tashkent failure somewhat cooled the "hot heads" in St. Petersburg. Nevertheless, the results of the 1864 campaign were considered successful for Russia. At the beginning of 1865, a decision was made to increase the number of Russian troops in Central Asia and form the Turkestan region in the conquered territories. The head of the region was instructed to separate Tashkent from the Kokand Khanate and form a special possession there under the Russian protectorate. M.G. had to perform this task. Chernyaev, promoted to major general for his successes and appointed Turkestan military governor.

At the end of May 1865, Chernyaev, with a detachment of 9.5 companies of infantry with 12 guns, again moved to Tashkent and on June 7 took up a position 8 versts from the city. The Kokand Khan sent a 6,000-strong army with 40 guns to rescue the besieged. On June 9, a meeting battle took place under the walls of the city, in which the Kokandans, despite their numerical superiority, were completely defeated, and their leader Alimkula was mortally wounded. The frightened people of Tashkent asked for help from the Emir of Bukhara. On June 10, a small detachment of Bukhara troops entered the city. Not having the strength and time for a blockade or a long siege, Chernyaev decided to take Tashkent by storm. Artillery guns made a hole in the wall and on June 14, 1865, as a result of a decisive assault, the city fell. On June 17, honorary residents of Tashkent came to the newly-made military governor with an expression of humility and readiness to accept Russian citizenship.

"Apotheosis of War" 1871. V.V. Vereshchagin.

The military and political presence of Russia in the Turkestan region was growing. But her opponents, represented by local feudal-clerical circles and their foreign patrons, did not give up either. Ordinary dekhans and pastoralists, too, so far treated foreign aliens with restraint. Some saw them as invaders, so the propaganda of "ghazavat" (holy war against "infidels", non-Muslims) had some success among the people. In early 1866, the Emir of Bukhara Seyid Muzaffar, having enlisted the support of the Kokand ruler Khudoyar Khan, whom he helped to seize the throne, demanded that Russia clear Tashkent (the capital of Turkestan. Negotiations between the parties did not lead to anything. Hostilities began, in which success was again on the side of the Russians.On May 8, 1866, the Bukhara army suffers a severe defeat at the Irjar tract. On May 24, "in hot pursuit" the detachment of Major General D.I. Romanovsky (14 companies, 5 hundred Cossacks, 20 guns and 8 rocket launchers) takes by storm the heavily fortified city of Khujand located on the banks of the Syr Darya River (a junction of roads to Tashkent, Kokand, Balkh and Bukhara. As a result of the offensive launched by the Russian troops in the fall of 1866, two more powerful Bukhara fortresses fell: on October 2 (Ura-Tube and October 18 (Jizzakh. Jizzakh and Khojent districts were annexed to Russia. (1)

Conquered in 1864-1866 The territories made up the Syr-Darya region, which, together with the Semirechensk region, was merged into the Turkestan Governor-General in 1867. The first governor-general of the region was an experienced politician and administrator, engineer-general K.P. Kaufman. M.G. Chernyaev with his adventuristic manners, according to the Russian "top" was not suitable for this position.

The reasons for the successful actions of Russian detachments against the numerous troops of the Central Asian rulers were revealed in his memoirs by the former Minister of War A.N. Kuropatkin, a young lieutenant after graduating from the Pavlovsk School, who arrived in the fall of 1866 to serve in Turkestan: “Their superiority (Russian troops (I.K.) consisted not only in the best weapons and training, but, mainly, in spiritual superiority. Bound by discipline and the consciousness of belonging to the glorious Russian tribe, our soldiers and officers went to the enemy, not counting him, and success proved that they were right.The glorious deeds of Chernyaev and others, along with a sense of superiority over the enemy, developed in the troops the determination to seek victory not in defense , but on the offensive..." (2)

Vasily Vasilievich Vereshchagin (1842-1904) "Wounded soldier"

The peculiarities of military operations in Central Asia required the development of a unique tactic not provided for by army regulations. “According to the same local conditions (wrote A.N. Kuropatkin, (it was always necessary to stay in action against the enemy, both defensive and offensive, in the collection, in readiness to repel the enemy from all sides. Therefore, at each location for the night, a square was formed , providing troops from all four sides ... Measures were taken to avoid movement in the rear of single people and small teams. We tried to have our "base" with us ... (3)

The main burden of the Central Asian campaigns fell on the shoulders of the infantry. “She decided the fate of the battle,” Kuropatkin testified, “and after the victory, the main work on the creation of a new Russian stronghold was entrusted to her. Russian infantry, and the main losses in killed and wounded fell to its share ...

Our cavalry, which consisted of Cossacks, was small in number ... That is why, when meeting with superior forces, our Cossacks retreated, or, dismounting, met the enemy with rifle fire and waited for help ... "(4) The Cossacks were also used for reconnaissance and carrying mail Kazakh militiamen, who also served as guides, were of great help in this matter.

The purpose of military operations was to occupy strategically important settlements, most of which were heavily fortified. “Having approached the moat of the fortress with accelerated siege work, they began the assault, most often before dawn. The companies assigned to the assault secretly gathered against the chosen point ... with their ladders and at a signal ... crawled out of the trenches, pulled out the ladders and, together with them ran to the wall of the fortress ... It was necessary to run to the moat, lower the thick end of the ladder into the moat, swing the ladder and throw the thin end onto the wall. this remained scattered at the counter-escarp for shelling the enemy ... There were several stairs at once, and our heroes, challenging each other for a place, climbed the stairs at a time when the enemy was taking measures against them. from the wall, they poured boiling water, pitch, hit with rifle fire, and on the top of the wall they met with batiks, spears, checkers. The picture of such a battle completely transferred the viewer to the Middle Ages "(A.N. Kuropatkin. (5)

Vasily Vasilyevich Vereshchagin (1842-1904) "Triumph - the final version"

And what about artillery? (Of course, the Russian guns were more perfect and stronger than the enemy, especially on the battlefield. But "the artillery preparation of that time could not make large gaps in the thick Asian walls," although knocking down the upper part of the fortifications, "extremely facilitated the assault on the stairs." (6)

The year 1867 passed relatively calmly, except for two clashes of the Jizzakh detachment of Colonel A.K. Abramov with the Bukharians on June 7 and early July near the fortification of Yany-Kurgan, on the road from Jizzakh to Samarkand. Both sides were preparing for a decisive battle. By the spring of 1868, Russian troops in Turkestan numbered 11 battalions, 21 hundreds of Orenburg and Ural Cossack troops, a sapper company and 177 artillery pieces, (a total of about 250 officers and 10.5 thousand soldiers, non-commissioned officers and Cossacks. The standing army of Bukhara The emirate consisted of 12 battalions, from 20 to 30 hundreds of cavalry and 150 guns (a total of about 15 thousand people. In addition to regular troops, a large militia of armed residents gathered in wartime.

In early April 1868, Emir Seyid Muzaffar proclaimed "gazavat" against the Russians. In case of success, he counted on the help of the Turkish Sultan, the rulers of Kashgaria, Kokand, Afghanistan, Khiva and the administration of British India. However, the anti-Russian coalition immediately began to disintegrate. The Central Asian rulers took a wait-and-see attitude. A detachment of Afghan mercenaries of Iskander-Ahmet Khan, having not received a salary by the deadline, left the Nurat fortress and went over to the side of the Russians.

Russian troops, numbering about 3.5 thousand people, by April 27 concentrated in Yany-Kurgan. The head of the detachment was Major General N.N. Golovachev, but the general leadership of military operations was taken over by the commander of the Turkestan military district, Governor-General K.P. Kaufman. On April 30, the detachment set out along the Samarkand road and, after spending the night in the Tash-Kupryuk tract, on May 1 moved to the river. Zeravshan. On the way to the river, the Russian vanguard was attacked by the Bukhara cavalry, but the head of the cavalry, Lieutenant Colonel N.K. Shtrandman with 4 hundred Cossacks, 4 horse guns and a rocket battery managed to push the enemy to the left bank.


Vasily Vasilyevich Vereshchagin (1842-1904) "Looking out"

Bukhara troops occupied advantageous positions on the heights of Chapan-ata. All three roads leading to Samarkand, as well as the crossing through the Zeravshan, were fired upon by enemy artillery. Having built the detachment in battle formation, Kaufman ordered to attack the heights. In the first line were six companies of the 5th and 9th Turkestan line battalions with 8 guns. On the right flank, there were five companies of the 3rd line and 4th rifle battalions and a company of Afghans, on the left (three companies of the 4th battalion and half a company of sappers. There were 4 hundred Cossacks in reserve with 4 horse guns and a rocket battery. The convoy was built by the Wagenburg (a square of fortified wagons (I.K.) guarded by four companies of the 6th line battalion, 4 guns and fifty Cossacks. Having passed the Zeravshan sleeves in the water up to the chest and then the marshy rice fields in the mud, under cross rifle and artillery fire The Russians began to climb the heights of the Bukharians, the infantry acted mainly, since the artillery and cavalry did not have time to cross the river. The onslaught was so swift that the sarbazes (soldiers of the regular army of Bukhara (I.K.) fled, leaving 21 cannons. The losses of the Russian troops amounted to only 2 people killed and 38 wounded.

The next day it was supposed to storm Samarkand, but at dawn to K.P. Representatives of the Muslim clergy and administration came to Kaufman with a request to take the city under their protection and then "subject to the White Tsar." The governor-general agreed, and Russian troops occupied Samarkand. Kaufman sent a letter to Seyid Muzaffar, offering peace on the terms of the cession of Samarkand Bekstvo, payment of "military costs" and recognition for Russia of all acquisitions made in Turkestan since 1865. There was no answer to the letter ...

Meanwhile, all the cities of the Samarkand Bekstvo, with the exception of Chilek and Urgut, sent delegations expressing their humility. On May 6, Chilek was occupied without a fight by a detachment (6 companies, 2 hundreds, 2 guns and a missile division) of Major F.K. Shtempel, who, having destroyed the fortifications and barracks of the Sarbaz, returned to Samarkand the next day. Colonel A.K. was sent with the same forces against Urgut, which threatened the flank of the Russian troops when moving towards Bukhara. Abramov. The ruler of the city, Huseyn-bek, wishing to gain time, entered into negotiations, but refused to give up. On May 12, Abramov's detachment, having broken the stubborn resistance of the Bukharans in the rubble and the citadel, captured Urgut with the support of artillery. The enemy fled, leaving up to 300 corpses in place. Russian losses amounted to 1 person. killed and 23 wounded.

On May 16, most of the Russian forces (13.5 companies, 3 hundreds and 12 guns) under the command of Major General N.N. Golovacheva moved to Katta-Kurgan and on May 18 occupied it without hindrance. The Bukharans retreated to Kermina. The 11 companies of infantry remaining in Samarkand, teams of artillery and rocket batteries, 200 Cossacks took up strengthening the city citadel. The precaution was not superfluous, because partisan detachments from the local population became more active in the rear of the Russian troops. On May 15, one of these detachments, led by the former Chilek bek Abdul-Gafar, went to Tash-Kupryuk to cut off the Russians from Yana-Kurgan. Sent to the threatened point, Lieutenant Colonel N.N. Nazarov, with two companies, a hundred Cossacks and two rocket launchers, forced Abdul-Gafar to retreat through Urgut to Shakhrisyabz (a mountainous region 70 km south of Samarkand. From May 23, from Shakhrisyabz, in a gorge near the village of Kara-Tyube, began to accumulate large forces of militia.On May 27, A.K. Abramov with 8 companies, 3 hundred and 6 guns came out against them. The infantry occupied Kara. it would have been difficult.... The next day, Abramov was forced to return to Samarkand.On the way, he discovered that rebel cavalry detachments had already appeared around the city...

On May 29, in Samarkand, a report was received from General N.N. Golovachev that on the Zerabulak heights, 10 versts from Katta-Kurgan, a camp of Bukhara troops numbering up to 30 thousand people appeared. Militias concentrated in Chilek to attack Yany-Kurgan, where there were only two companies of infantry, two hundred Cossacks and two mountain guns. Detachments of the Shahrisyabians concentrated in Kara-Tube to attack Samarkand. According to the plan developed by the vassal emir of Bukhara, the rulers of Shahrisyabz, on June 1, it was supposed to simultaneously attack the Russian troops from three sides and destroy them.

Vasily Vasilyevich Vereshchagin (1842-1904) "Turkestan soldier in winter uniform"

The situation became critical. To turn the tide, K.P. Kaufman, leaving a small garrison in Samarkand (520 people of the 6th Turkestan linear battalion, 95 sappers, 6 guns and 2 mortars), with the main forces rushed to Katta-Kurgan on May 30. The next day, having covered 65 miles in a day, he joined up with N.N. Golovachev. On June 2, Russian troops rapidly attacked the enemy on the Zerabulak heights. The Bukhara army, half diluted with militias, suffered a complete defeat. Only the sarbaz tried to resist, but they were scattered by artillery fire. "About 4,000 corpses covered the battlefield," wrote A.N. Kuropatkin. , who fled to Kermina, there were only about 2 thousand people, including a small convoy.But even the few Russian troops, having suffered losses, needed rest and putting in order.

Meanwhile, the warlike highlanders of Shahrisyabz, led by their rulers Jura-bek and Baba-bek, occupied Samarkand and, with the support of the rebellious citizens, besieged the citadel, where a small Russian garrison had taken refuge. Here is how A.N. Kuropatkin: "June 2, at 4 o'clock in the morning .., huge gatherings of highlanders, residents of Samarkand and the Zeravshan valley with drumming, with the sounds of trumpets, shouting" Ur! Ur!" flooded the streets and rushed to storm the citadel. From the sakleys and gardens adjacent to the walls, strong rifle fire opened on the defenders of the citadel. citadel, they hit the infirmary and the courtyard of the Khan's palace, where our reserve stood. The attack was carried out simultaneously in seven places. In particular, the efforts of the attackers were aimed at capturing two gates and at some gaps near these gates. Our small garrison had a hard time. " (8) The commandant of the citadel, Major Shtempel and Lieutenant Colonel Nazarov, mobilized for the defense of all non-combatants (clerks, musicians, quartermasters), as well as the sick and wounded of the local hospital, capable of holding weapons in their hands. The first attack was repulsed, but the defenders also suffered serious losses (85 people were killed and wounded.

Vasily Vasilyevich Vereshchagin (1842-1904) "Soldiers near the fortress wall"

Having more than twenty-fold superiority in numbers, the rebels continued to furiously storm the fortress, trying to finish off its defenders as soon as possible. They again gave the floor to a contemporary of the events (A.N. Kuropatkin: “At night, the attacks resumed, and the enemy set fire to the gates. The Samarkand gates were extinguished and an embrasure was built in them, through which the besieged beat on the attacking buckshot, but the Bukhara gates had to be destroyed by building a blockage behind them , behind which the gun was placed. At 5 o'clock in the morning, the enemy with rather large forces broke into the breach of the Bukhara Gate, but, met with hand grenades and a friendly blow on bayonets, retreated. At 10 o'clock in the morning, large enemy forces simultaneously broke into the citadel from two sides: from from the west at the food warehouse and from the east at the Samarkand gates. A heated battle ensued inside the citadel ... The general reserve, which arrived in time, decided it in our favor. The enemy was overturned against the wall and thrown off it ... Crowds of fanatics made a desperate attack on the blockage in front of the gate and on the wall on both sides.They climbed, clinging to the iron cats, dressed on arms and legs, helping each other. The defenders of the blockage, having lost half of their composition, were confused ... But, fortunately, the proceeds were close. Nazarov, having gathered and encouraged the defenders, stopped the retreating, reinforced them with several dozen weak (sick and wounded soldiers (I.K.) and Cossacks, who made up the private reserve of the site, rushed at this critical moment at the head of everyone into hostility, overturned the enemy and, carried away success, pursued him through the gates through the streets of the city. At 5 o'clock in the afternoon the general assault was repeated, repulsed at all points. The second day cost the brave garrison 70 people killed and wounded. In two days, the losses amounted to 25%, the rest, two who did not leave the walls days, were very tired ... "(9)

An eyewitness to the bloody battles in Samarkand, the famous Russian battle painter V.V. Vereshchagin dedicated a series of his paintings to these events. The course of the Samarkand uprising was closely followed by the rulers of Bukhara and Kokand. If successful, the first one expected to turn the course of the war with Russia in his favor, and the second (to recapture Tashkent from the Russians.

Not hoping, in view of their small numbers, to hold the entire perimeter of the walls of the citadel, the besieged began to prepare for defense their last refuge (the Khan's palace. At the same time, "Major Shtempel ... sent native messengers every night to General Kaufman with a report on the plight of the garrison. In total, up to 20 people were sent, but only one reached Kaufman. The rest were intercepted and killed or betrayed. The messenger brought Kaufman a laconic note on a tiny piece of paper: "We are surrounded, the assaults are continuous, the losses are large, help is needed ..." Report was received on the evening of June 6 and the detachment came to the rescue immediately.Kaufman decided to go 70 miles in one transition, stopping only for halts ... On June 4, 5, 6 and 7, attacks on the gates and breaches in the walls were repeated several times daily. did not stop, but our garrison, in spite of extreme fatigue and new significant losses, not only repulsed the enemy, but made sorties into the city and burned it.At night, due to fatigue on both sides, a comparative lull set in, as if by mutual agreement. On June 7, at 11 pm, the garrison of the citadel of Samarkand saw, with an indescribable feeling of joy, a rocket soared in the vicinity on the way to Katta-Kurgan. Then Kaufman went to the rescue of the heroes ... "(10)

The united Uzbek-Tajik detachments, having left Samarkand, went to the mountains or scattered around the surrounding villages. On June 8, Russian troops again entered the city. On June 10, a representative of the Emir of Bukhara arrived in Samarkand to negotiate. On June 23, 1868, a peace treaty was concluded, according to which Bukhara recognized for Russia all its conquests since 1865, and undertook to pay 500 thousand rubles. indemnity and give Russian merchants the right to free trade in all cities of the emirate. From the territories captured in 1868, the Zeravshan district was formed with two departments: Samarkand and Katta-Kurgan. A.K. was appointed the head of the district and the head of the military people's administration. Abramov, promoted to major general. Leaving at his disposal 4 infantry battalions, 5 hundred Cossacks, 3 artillery battalions and a rocket battery, Governor-General K.P. Kaufman with the rest of the troops moved to Tashkent.

The Emirate of Bukhara was placed in vassal dependence on Russia. When the eldest son of Seyid Muzaffar Katty-Tyurya, dissatisfied with the terms of the treaty of 1868, rebelled against his father, Russian troops came to the rescue of the emir. On August 14, 1870, the detachment of A.K. Abramov stormed Kitab (the capital of the Shahrasyab beks, who planned to secede from Bukhara. In 1873, the Khiva Khanate fell under the protectorate of Russia.

The rulers of the vassal states of Central Asia obediently followed in the wake of Russian policy. And no wonder! After all, the population subject to them did not strive for independence, but, on the contrary, for joining the Russian Empire. Their brothers on the territory of Turkestan lived much better: without feudal strife, they could use the achievements of Russian industry, agricultural technology, culture, and qualified medical care. The construction of roads, especially the Orenburg-Tashkent railway, contributed to the rapid development of trade, drawing the Central Asian region into the all-Russian market.

The existence of formally independent enclaves on the territory of the Russian Empire also suited the tsarist government. It served as one of the reasons for the loyalty of the population of Turkestan and allowed, if necessary, to resolve complex foreign policy conflicts. For example, in the 90s. In the 19th century, due to the aggravation of relations with England, part of the Pamir mountain khanates, which Russia claimed, was transferred to the nominal administration of the Bukhara administration (11). After the conclusion in 1907 of the Anglo-Russian agreement on the division of spheres of influence, this section of the Pamirs successfully became part of the Russian Empire ...

1. Abaza V.K. Conquest of Turkestan. St. Petersburg, 1902; Terentiev M.A.

MEMORIES ABOUT SAMARKAND PROTECTION

in 1868.

The defense of Samarkand, as one of the outstanding events in Central Asia, deserves full attention from everyone who is interested in the affairs of our Turkestan region. We boldly say “everyone”, because it represents an important moment in the history of Russian conquests in the East. Pointing out the situation that accompanied this event, recalling many, even minor, episodes related to it - a matter, in our opinion, is not only not superfluous, but necessary. After all, only a detailed study of the subject gives an accurate concept of it; after all, only the clarification of trifles can give real illumination to an accomplished fact. In military affairs, this is especially important. Here often the most insignificant incident, the impulse of one person, a happy resourcefulness, change the situation to such an extent that completely unexpected results are obtained. There are many facts to confirm what has been said, but they are more or less known to everyone, but we mention their meaning, meaning to explain the purpose of these notes on the defense of Samarkand. But since something has already been said on this subject, we consider it necessary to make some reservations. Reading the article by Mr. Cherkasov “Defending Samarkand in 1868” and “Essays on military operations in 1868 in the Zaryavshan Valley” by Mr. Lyko, we came across such thoughts with which we cannot agree. Far from becoming, in relation to the articles mentioned, on critical ground, or presenting our opinion as immutable, we only wish to point out some details otherwise understood by us. The opinions we intend to express may be wrong, the facts

not so interpreted, but this will not interfere with the clarification of the matter: one of the former participants in the siege will point out our mistakes or misunderstandings, and we will be satisfied. We repeat: citing some ideas from the mentioned articles and challenging them, we will have in mind only the clarification of a fact that is so important for the history of the Russian conquests in Central Asia.

Since 1854, i.e. from the time it was decided to unite the Orenburg and Siberian borders, and when clashes between our troops and the Central Asians began to occur, in the intervals between offensive skirmishes in the field and storming of cities, the Russians had to act defensively, moreover, the enemy, who in such cases had a huge numerical superiority , sometimes inflicted considerable damage on us (the case of Serov near Ikan). In all such clashes, we successfully used the superiority of our firearms, which allowed us to emerge victorious from a difficult situation. In addition, our dense, disciplined troops showed a clear superiority over the disorganized crowds of Muslims, in which panic developed at the first energetic offensive of the Russians. After many setbacks, the Asians finally got used to considering us invincible and fled from the battlefield after the first, for the most part, insufficiently stubborn resistance. Only the extreme fanaticism aroused against us forced them sometimes, after the most capital pogrom, such as, for example, the Irjar, to take up arms again.

It is clear that the fight against such an enemy could not, strictly speaking, be a good school for the Russian troops operating in Central Asia. A number of risky and extremely happy undertakings (the assault on Tashkent, the Irdzhar case ...) gave rise to contempt for the enemy forces in them. The opinion emerged, shared by people who enjoy a well-deserved military reputation in Turkestan, that in dealing with the Central Asians, any precautions (in the sense of ensuring communications with the rear, etc.) are, if not superfluous, then not necessary. that one has only to go forward - and everything will work out as well as possible. How fair this view is, is left to judge for everyone. For our part, we consider it necessary to point out only one circumstance, which, in our opinion, is very important. It is known that the people of Bukhara on the Zyrabulak heights were no longer the same as they fought

near Irjar. Under Irjar, the enemy had no order; its crowds, although very numerous, were without any connection with each other. We see something completely different in the case of "June 2. Sarbaz of the Emir of Bukhara were located in line, in ranks, fired in volleys, keeping under the fire of our shooters almost to hand-to-hand combat; they withstood even two or three shots with buckshot. As you wish, this is significant progress "And who can guarantee that such improvements will not continue, that the linear battle order adopted by the Bukharians at Zyrabulak will not give way to more modern forms? For this, it seems to us, only someone's outside help, some kind of leadership is needed. Bukharians will not refuse various military innovations: they have so many good reasons for this.

The siege of Samarkand, closely connected with the event of June 2, is, on the one hand, the result of an excellently conceived deception, by the execution of which the enemy could put us in the most critical, let's say More, hopeless situation; on the other hand, it represents in itself a fact that goes beyond the ordinary, as we have already noted above.

In a word, the lessons given to the enemy before 1868 did not go unnoticed for him. He learned a lot, stopped blindly relying on one superiority of forces and began to use them in a more rational way. As a result, in the year mentioned, he is already an adversary deserving a certain respect. Concerning the last circumstance, we will allow ourselves to remind the reader of some details.

The most advanced point that we occupied in 1868, in the month of May, was Kata-Kurgan; at that time there were 13 1/2 infantry companies (1,500 people), three hundred Cossacks (270 people) and 12 guns in it. For other points, our troops were then distributed as follows:

At the main point of all our operations in the newly conquered region, in Samarkand, there were eleven companies of infantry (1,200 people), two hundred Cossacks and eight guns; on the way of communication with Tashkent: in Yany Kurgan, two companies, in Jizzakh, a battalion; the troops stationed in Chinaz, Tashkent and other places could not help the active detachment in case of emergency, and therefore we do not mention them.

The distance between the mentioned points is as follows; between Kata-Kurgan

and Samarkand about 70 versts; between Samarkand and Yany-Kurgan about 60 versts; between this latter and Jizzakh there are 22 versts. Behind Dzhizak, in an area of ​​110 versts, stretches the hungry steppe, ending in the Syr Darya at Chinaz and serving, due to the lack of water and any kind of vegetation in it, a significant obstacle to communication between the named points. From Chinaz to Tashkent 60 versts.

The enemy had from 30 to 40,000 on the Zyrabulak heights, between Bukhara and Kata Kurgan, twelve versts ahead of the latter, where all the forces of the emir had gathered, and 20 thousand from the Kara-Tube side. To this we must add the inhabitants of the region occupied by us, who, at the first opportunity, were ready to rise up without exception. The Shahrisyab people were especially dangerous. The movement of the units of the active detachment to Urgut and Kara-Tube, although they were successful in the tactical sense, did not reach their main purpose - to ensure Samarkand from this warlike tribe. Separated from the Zaryavshan valley by a mountain range, it held itself completely independently, was proud of its independence and, with the help of Bukhara, hoped to successfully compete with the Russian troops. This hope was even stronger after the movement of part of the detachment to Kara-Tube, which was interpreted by the Shakhrisyab people in their favor.

The division of the Russian troops, the exaggerated soreness in them, the hopes for the support of the population, all encouraged the enemy to take bolder actions. To this end, the leader of the Shakhrisyab people, together with the emir, drew up a plan that deserves attention. It was decided, by attacking Kata-Kurgan, to call the main Russian forces into the field, to lure, without accepting a battle, as far as possible into the possessions of Bukhara, and, meanwhile, to strike at Samarkand and take possession of it. The emir had to fulfill the first: his task was, as far as possible, to delay the decisive moment of the clash with the Russians; the second part of the plan - the capture of Samarkand - was to be carried out by the people of Shakhrisyab. After capturing Samarkand, it was supposed, with combined forces, to act against the detachment moving towards Bukhara, and on its communications with Tashkent. Thus, the capture of Samarkand became the main goal of the enterprise and, as a means of decisively changing the position of the Russians in the theater of war, was to serve as a signal for a general uprising, perhaps, of the entire Turkestan population.

It is obvious that Samarkand, during the hostilities of 1868, had a paramount role; it is obvious that at this moment, for the whole of Central Asia, not to mention the Russian possessions, he was to become a heart, the beating of which could not but resonate throughout the whole organism.

The enemy's considerations were very sound. The Russians, occupying Samarkand and Kata-Kurgan at the end of May, have not yet dealt a decisive blow to either the Bukharans or the Shakhrisyabians. Both of them still possessed considerable means for the struggle. The first, as has already been noted, stood near Kata-Kurgan, disturbing the detachment located in it; the second concentrated between Kara-Tyube and Samarkand, threatening our rear in the event of offensive operations. The position of the Russians was becoming critical. It was possible to get out of it only by means of a decisive blow, and, moreover, a blow directed at the most sensitive point of the enemy disposition. Where was this point? Obviously, in Bukhara, where the main leader of the military operations against us nestled, where his funds were concentrated. A decisive blow should have been directed here. And for this it was necessary, sparing no means, to form in Samarkand such a stronghold, which, with the most limited garrison, would be completely safe from any attempt on the part of the enemy, while the rest of the troops were moving towards Bukhara. It would, in our opinion, not be too difficult to bring Samarkand into a position that meets the stated need. To do this, it would be necessary, immediately after his occupation, to form an esplanade near the walls of the citadel, from the side of the city, to lay in the walls (albeit in haste, in clods) a number of small, but very harmful, in a defensive sense, landslides, to pour, where possible , barbets, and break through, in the existing towers, loopholes. The time from May 2 to May 30 was absolutely enough for this, especially if, to help the troops tired of the transitions, civilian workers were attached. However, if there were not enough time, then the main forces' action against the emir, perhaps, would not interfere with postponing for eight days, and in eight days a lot can be done. The emir at that time would not have increased his hordes so much as to stop ours; troops. However, we are talking about the postponement of the detachment’s march to Bukhara as an extreme, to which, using twenty-eight

daytime stay in Samarkand, there was no need to resort.

We have indicated in part what should have been done for the defense of Samarkand, and what was done on this subject, the reader can see from Mr. Cherkasov's article. We consider it not superfluous to cite the opinion of Mr. Lyko, expressed by him in "Essays on military operations", when assessing various circumstances of the defense. This assessment “cannot,” says the author, “not lead us to regret that excessive confidence in the inhabitants of the city was the reason that the commandant refrained from destroying the dwellings adjacent to the walls of the citadel, and from clearing the necessary esplanade: this, depriving the garrison of the opportunity to hit enemies with well-aimed fire, made the attacks prolonged, stubborn, and the shooting at the garrison was continuous, deadly and almost unpunished. Let us make a few remarks.

From the plan attached by Mr. Cherkasov to the article “Protection of Samarkand” (to which Mr. Lyko also refers), it is clear that part of the defensive fence of the citadel, where the sakli stretched directly behind the wall, extends for half a mountain of a verst. It is known that the Asians build their dwellings quite closely and leave the streets narrow, therefore, in order to form an esplanade for a mile and a half, at least 300 sakels would have to be broken, which would require major work and a lot of time, with a small number of people available. Baron Shtempel.

It seems to us that such work was beyond the power of the Samarkand commandant. He had to: 1) take care of supplying the citadel with water, which he did and which required both time and hands; 2.) cut off the sole of the sloping wall, where it represented a full opportunity for an escalade; 3) to pour two barbettes (the capital nature of this work, taking into account the three-yard height of the embankment being erected, is obvious), which again required both time and hands; 4) to clear the communication between different points of the citadel ... Whoever did the work will understand that in some two days with 658 people of the garrison it is difficult to do all of the above, while maintaining guards at the same time. We believe that the commandant could not even think about clearing the esplanade. So it seems to us that the reproach made by Mr. Lyko to the commandant, if it can be a reproach, is not to Baron Shtempel.

However, be that as it may, the esplanades were not cleared, many breaches were not laid, and the garrison had to substitute

chest where one could substitute a bag of earth. It is clear that the defenders, with their limited number, would have to lie down without a trace under the ruins of Samarkand if the siege continued for all eight days as it was conducted for the first two days. Fortunately, the plan, so well conceived by the enemy, was not destined to come true, because the emir changed his original assumption at the very beginning, and the Samarkand garrison honestly fulfilled the share assigned to him.May 1st case. - The reasons that prompted the enemy to surrender Samarkand without a fight. - Samarkand and its citadel. - Our camp life. - Occupation of Kata-Kurgan by General Golovachev. - Speech by the commander of the troops in Kata-Kurgan. - The mood of the garrison.

On May 1, as is known, the action took place on the Chapan-Atyn heights, adjacent directly to the Samarkand gardens in the place where the road to Tashkent emerges from them. It was believed that Chapan-ata was the advanced position of the enemy, where he wanted to give field work so that later, with a high probability of success, he could stand outside the walls of Samarkand. Whether the commanders of the emir thought so, giving battle to the city of Samarkand, or they counted on the impregnability of the position, due to the spilled Zaryavshan, and considered it possible to give a proper rebuff to the Russians, not allowing them to reach the city, it is rather difficult to say definitively. Perhaps the latter is more likely, because the Bukharians strongly hoped for their position, while it was rather difficult to count on the defense of the city. The reasons for the latter circumstance are obvious. The city walls, as we will see later, were in a very deplorable state: there were no places for placing guns on them; and most importantly - after the assault, if one had followed, there would have been an inevitable ram, which would have ruined the inhabitants, without bringing any benefit to the emir.

So, we were met at Chapan-ata. The matter did not last long ... The enemy fled, leaving in our hands almost all the artillery and the camp, in which we found a lot of different rubbish: tents, rugs, felts, various utensils, and most of all dressing gowns and boots (chegov) abandoned by the brave troops of the emir , for the sake of ease of running when leaving position. Thanks to this measure, the enemy retreated very quickly, so that, having ascended the heights, we saw only the heels of the fleeing flickering in the distance.

In the evening of the same date, a deputation came from Samarkand to the commander of the troops, declaring the complete obedience of the city. The faithful did not dare to try their luck again at the very tomb of Timur. In the desire to defend the Samarkand shrines, many were looking for very subtle reasons. By the way, according to the author of "The Defense of Samarkand in 1868", the main reason that prompted the people of Samarkand to surrender the city to the Russians was that they saw only this as a means of "saving the historical monuments of their city from destruction." In our opinion, this is not entirely true. Even if the chiefs of the Bukhara army, which fought on Chapan-ata, had intended to take it beyond the walls of Samarkand, they would not have succeeded: the discordant crowds, which were seized by panic after the May 1 affair, could not be stopped for new resistance . Hence, from this point of view, there could be no question of direct defense of the city or its voluntary surrender. In addition, it seems to us that there is nothing to say about saving historical monuments. As far as we know, none of all the assaults in Central Asia (Chemkent, Tashkent, Dzhizak) damaged any historical monument; of course, this could not have happened in Samarkand, if it had come to a siege. The Sarts knew about all this from experience. And in addition, the Central Asians, oppressed for many centuries by the boundless despotism of their rulers, are unable to take care of the preservation of the historical monuments of their cities. Fanaticism can be kindled in them for a while, but feelings of pride and national independence are far from the concepts of an Asian, at least those who know them closely are convinced of this.

In the same fact - in the surrender of Samarkand without a fight - many saw the beginning of a cunningly conceived plan. It is also difficult to agree with this. The plan of action we have already mentioned came much later. In a hot moment, there could be no talk of him.

We have expanded a little on this, because the question itself is quite important. Its correct resolution provides a means of forming a correct conception of the subsequent events of the region, and indirectly of the extent to which the battle of May 1 had a decisive character. In any case, the surrender of Samarkand without a fight put its inhabitants in an inviolable position.

On May 2, the Russians moved into the city. With songs and music, we passed the streets, on both sides of which came across

sometimes residents who made low bows. For the most part, they were Jews and Persians. Both those and others rejoiced at our arrival. The Muslims, though, held on, according to custom. by their bellies, but on their faces one could read one hostility. Each of them looked like a wolf cornered by dogs. The huts were locked. In general, there was a noticeable emptiness in the city.

The detachment settled down outside the city, along the Bukhara road. Part was left in the citadel. Everyone rejoiced at the opportunity to rest and recover. The tedious marches across the hungry steppe, and especially the reinforced march and then the battle on May 1, required a stop. In addition, it was necessary not only to strengthen in Samarkand, but also to extend power to the surrounding areas in order to have support in the further struggle. It was also necessary to arrange a secured communication with Tashkent. That is why it was decided to stop in Samarkand for a rest. Samarkand was the most convenient for this. Its luxurious gardens, beautiful spring water, the ability to get it necessary for the troops, could not but be to the taste of the detachment. Except. these, so to speak, purely material considerations. Samarkand attracted educated people with its sights, and although one could only point to the colossal mosques built under Tamerlane, this was enough for lovers of antiquity.

The city itself was no different from other cities. Central Asia. The same narrow streets, on both sides of which stretch low clay huts with flat roofs; the same bazaar as everywhere else, with shops open on the street where you can find native and imported goods; the same unbearable dust in dry weather, and inaccessible mud during rains; you come across the same dressing gowns in multi-colored or white turbans and women in dressing gowns thrown over their heads and with their faces covered - in a word, everything is the same as in Tashkent, Chemkent and other cities ... The city is surrounded by clay a wall that had collapsed in places and presented completely prepared breaches. For defense, she was not adapted; Apparently, they didn't think about it. Embracing the entire almost built-up space of the city and making up a significant stretch in length, this wall required a large number of troops for its occupation, therefore, it could not, in the future, serve as a Russian support, even if proper

corrections and adjustments. The citadel was important, which, due to its position and the relatively small length of the defensive fence, could be turned into a stronghold. About her we intend to say a little more, because later, during the seven-day siege, she played an important role.

Mr. Cherkasov's article "Defending Samarkand in 1868", it seems to us, did not sufficiently explain two very important questions: 1) when Samarkand, during the seven-day siege, was in the greatest danger? and 2) where was the weakest point of our location, where the enemy was supposed to direct the most energetic blows? To not give oneself a direct and definite answer to these questions means to enumerate a multitude of episodes in a certain order without elucidating their inner content; to mix individual, more or less fragmentary, efforts of the enemy with an assault on his 3rd, in which all forces participated at once and which was undertaken by the Shahrisyab people, as the last decisive blow before retreating into the mountains; in short: it means not to get a picture of the general course of the siege.

A direct solution of the proposed issues is also important in another respect: on the one hand, it will indicate the leading role that the people of Shahrisyab played during the siege, on the other hand, it can justify a significant concentration of defenders at the Bukhara Gates. We have always thought that the latter circumstance was entirely justified. To be convinced of this, you need to look at the location of the citadel and the meaning of its various points. The citadel is located in the northwestern part of the city (see drawing). In plan, it has a polygonal outline with two large incoming parts facing west. The hill on which the citadel is built generally commands the city and the surrounding gardens. From its highest point, from the location of the kok-tash (Khan's palace), you can see a significant part of the city. The wall surrounding the citadel reaches up to two fathoms in thickness and up to four fathoms in height. In it, at a fairly close distance from one another, semi-towers protruding outward are arranged. These are monolithic clay masses, on which, along the height of the wall, thin walls are folded; the latter can be occupied by 10-12 shooters. The half-towers, due to the insignificance of their release due to the outer line of the fence, could not deliver the last flank defense, so that the strength of the Samarkand citadel could only be the height of the surrounding

its walls and the depth of the ravine located on the eastern side. From the southern part of the latter, which was very important in terms of defense, there was no barrier lying in front, and here the city sacks directly adjoined the citadel wall itself. An attack on the citadel in this direction offered the best chance of success. Here it was possible to keep close to the wall in the husks, almost without being shot; it was possible to cut off the wall and in general to carry out the desired work, which could not be fired upon by the defenders; besides, for the besieger there was a very convenient and safe communication along the wall. The western part of the defensive fence of the citadel faces the Bukhara road. Here, ten sazhens wide, an elevated bridgehead was formed, built up close with sacks and bordered near the Bukhara road itself, by the remains of a city wall, unsuitable for defense, but very useful for the besiegers, because it completely hid their movements from shots from the citadel. From this side, access to the citadel was very convenient, especially since here, at the very Bukhara Gates, as we will see later, there was a rather wide gap. The mentioned bridgehead continues against the northern part of the wall; but further on it is somewhat wider and is separated from the gardens lying in front by a ravine, which was once a moat, in front of the city wall. This ditch ends at the Sarbaz court, near a large tower, located at the very keys. The tower is quadrangular, built, perhaps, even under Tamerlane, in several tiers; from time to time, the vaults separating the tiers collapsed, as a result of which a depression formed on the upper platform. The platform, five sazhens squared, could be adapted for artillery fire on the city, because it had some command over it. The entire space from the northwest corner to the keys is most secure; here, although there were loopholes in some places that the besieger could take advantage of, it was not difficult to defend them, and even with a small number of people, especially since part of the wall here looks like an incoming corner and several turrets. From the mentioned tower to the Samarkand Gates, and further to the southeastern corner of the citadel, as already mentioned, in front of the wall there is a deep, with steep banks, a ravine separating the citadel from the city in this place. In this direction, despite this kind of obstacle, the assault was possible at three points: directly on the Samarkand Gate, which could not be fired upon by flank fire; near the cemetery, where the defensive wall provided the possibility of an escalade and where the area was open to shots from the city, and at the springs. The attack from the keys could not be as dangerous as the first two. In this sense, throughout the eastern part of the fence, the Samarkand Gates acquired a special significance. But their attack did not present the besieger with any special chances of success, since the gate, located between two towers built of burnt bricks, is a rather capital structure. The towers are divided into two tiers; 3-4 loopholes were pierced in each with very limited shelling. Opposite the middle of the towers, between them, there were door leafs, and further, inside, a covered gallery with stone walls on the sides, which were one with the towers. In front of the gate, across the creek of the ravine, there is a bridge. From it, the area to the gate and further into the interior of the citadel is a rather steep climb. Thus, the besieger, leading an attack on the gate, had to pass through a narrow gallery, fired upon by a gun, which, if necessary, could be placed here. The same gun could fire at the bridge and part of the street leading to it.

The Gates of Bukhara were not in such a position (see the devil). Built less capitally, but according to the same plan as Samarkand, they did not have any barrier in front of them and access to them was completely free; in addition, the wall adjoining directly to the gate was incomparably more in a worse position than the same wall near the Samarkand gate. On the right side, at the very gates, it represented, as it were, a gap built up with sacks. Sakli, located inside the citadel, had windows and doors on the roofs of the sakli, built directly behind them in the city, so that, having climbed the latter, it was already easy to get into the interior of the citadel. Somewhat further behind the mentioned sakli, the front to the Bukhara road was a wide gap, which was very easy to climb. On the left side of the gate, the defensive fence also collapsed significantly and in one place was no higher than two arshins. Here, steps were even made on the outside, which served as a good communication route for dogs and people, at a time when the gates were locked. Having ascended from the city along these steps, it was possible to take possession of the left tower, and from it it was free to enter the citadel. Thus, in the smallest extent, in fact

at the Bukhara Gate, there were three loopholes. It was quite difficult to defend them without any preparation, especially since we only got to know them well during the siege.

To all that has been said, other circumstances must be added that made it difficult to defend the Bukhara Gates. The road to the city, leaving the gate, turned rather sharply to the right, so that the gun placed here could fire at the most insignificant space in front; consequently, it was easy for the attacker to approach him, with complete impunity, at the closest distance. All together made the Bukhara Gate the weakest point, and it is not surprising that the enemy attacked here more energetically than anywhere else.

The interior of the citadel was divided by narrow and crooked streets, which could greatly contribute to shelter from shots from the city. At first, they thought not to take possession of all the buildings located in the citadel, but to divide the latter into two parts by a wide street: one to give to the garrison, the other to those residents who owned the sakli in this part. For this purpose, it was necessary to build a street from the Samarkand Gates to the western incoming corner of the defensive wall and assign the southern part of the citadel to the natives, the northern garrison. The idea of ​​dividing the citadel into two halves, Russian and Muslim, had humane beginnings: by selecting only half of the sakels built in the citadel, and not all, for the garrison, we deprived the property of two times fewer people and, consequently, made the inhabitants twice as easy. But there were also minor inconveniences in the fulfillment of such a plan: it was difficult to guarantee that the sakli would be occupied by such personalities. whose views and intentions would be well known to the garrison: it was even more difficult to say that frequent quarrels and major misunderstandings would not occur between the garrison and its close neighbors, separated by one street. Such inconveniences, perhaps minor and repulsive in peacetime, became quite important during the siege. Imagine that the fortress, defended by the French from a German attack, is half occupied by the Germans. Will it be good for the French? All these inconveniences were probably well understood by the people of Samarkand, because the separated part of the citadel was not occupied by anyone. From the intention to divide the citadel into parts, only one trace remained - a wide street or esplanade, as it was called. During the siege, the esplanade had some disadvantages: it

all was open to shots from the city, so that the message on it was unsafe.

In a very short time, the city began to fill up. Near the camp, a temporary bazaar was formed with the most necessary items: cakes, dumplings, various vegetables, unripe fruits, gingerbread, nuts. A lively activity boiled here, trade opened.

Near the basket with cakes is a soldier. - “Hey, tamyr (1),” he says very seriously, being convinced that his knowledge in the native language is completely sufficient: - “tamyr, how much does a bir (2) cake cost? no need for humpty-baltai."

- "Uh, tamyre," he says, not understanding what was going on. “Here is a cake,” the soldier explains, poking his finger into the basket: “bir cake, how much?”

In another place, having nothing to do, an artilleryman is talking with a green apricot (apricot) merchant. - “Urus sarbaz - yakshi (3), Samarkand - yaman (4). Urus-sarbaz will give maklash (5) to your sarbaz. And now they gave you all haman (6).

- "Aman, aman," says the Sart, nodding his head approvingly. - "Now you are a merchant, well, trade: satu (7) is possible."

Everything took on the appearance of a somewhat original camp life. Only the smoking wicks by the guns reminded the detachment of its purpose. The time dragged on monotonously.

Expeditions to Chilek and Urgut greatly diversified our bivouac life. Hopes for further skirmishes and differences made them willingly endure many inconveniences. They talked about the movement to Bukhara. A lot of guessing, thinking, arguing. The movement to the emir's capital was considered positively necessary. Few people doubted the possibility and feasibility of this enterprise.

Finally, we moved forward to Kata-Kurgan, with the aim of taking this point and stopping at it. For this purpose, a company, 3 hundred and 12 guns were sent there, under the command of General Golovachev. Hopes for an assault on the city, which, as was known, were occupied by the enemy, revived the detachment. Despite the southern

heat and dust, people walked cheerfully and cheerfully. On the third day, in the morning, we approached Kata-Kurgan. On a hill, in view of the Kata-Kurgan gardens, the detachment turned around and lined up. The artillery stood in the intervals between the infantry.

A beautiful picture spread out before us. In a small valley, bordered on the side of Bukhara by the elevated bank of the Narpay, luxurious gardens stretched, which, in the direction of Zaryavshan, occupied an increasingly large strip. Between the trees, as if showing off their luxurious clothes, thick-leaved elms stood out, and near, leaving peaks in the sky, slender poplars flaunted. Right there, next to these two beautiful plants of the south, fruit trees modestly crowded, allowing the first to show their beauty and grandeur even more. Here and there peeped out of the dense greenery were city huts and earthen walls, built, as usual, on both sides of the streets. The huts, the gardens, and the hills that stretched further on were illuminated by the bright morning sun, which gave everything an extremely picturesque look. But there was no time to admire them. Many hearts beat in anticipation of a shot from the city. Arbachs settled down not far from the troops and stroked their beards with pleasure in anticipation of a harvest. One of them, still dear, kept asking if the Russians would storm the city. At the same time, he usually lowered his voice and made a serious face. What was his indignation when it became known that the Emir's soldiers left Kata-Kurgan just before our arrival, and the inhabitants sent a deputation? The detachment occupied the city and settled down on the left bank of the Narpay, near the road leading to Bukhara. This part of the country is a completely bare slope facing the river. Ahead, parallel to the front of the disposition of troops, was the ridge of the hill; from it it was possible to survey a considerable space towards the side of the enemy.

At first, only on the right, and then on the left bank of the Narpai, the city itself is located. A small fortress was built in the middle; it can be defended by one company. This is the so-called citadel. It all fit on a natural hillock, which has four sazhens heights above the surrounding gardens. The slopes of the mound are completely sheer. A wide stone staircase leads to the gates of the citadel. The citadel served as a quarter for the Kata-Kurgan bek and his entourage.

In Kata-Kurgan, the emir's garden is remarkable. Better than this garden, we did not happen to see either in Samarkand or in Tashkent.

An almost square space about 50 sazhens aside is planted with poplars, elm and fruit trees: a pond is dug in the middle, filled with water through grooves or, as they are called here, ditches; from the pond there are alleys planted on both sides with grapes, which, rising along the trellises, form a dense green canopy over the alleys with hanging bunches of fruit. Full shade in the garden. Toward the side of the citadel, the garden is lined with buildings. These are the former premises of the emir during his stay in Kata-Kurgan: a small harem, two small reception rooms connected to each other by an open gallery, and various services with a courtyard behind them. From the gallery, the emir could view both the garden and the courtyard at the same time. Here he showed himself to the people who had gathered to bow and received the beks.

The garden was occupied by General Golovachev and his staff. From here to the camp located on the other side of the Narpai, about a verst.

In the twentieth of May, the first enemy attack was made on the troops stationed at Kata-Kurgan. A small gang of horsemen attacked the detachment pack camels and intended to steal them. Hit the alarm. The troops quickly gathered in alarm rushed. pursue the attackers. There was a small skirmish and a fight with the Cossacks. The camels were recaptured. An hour later, everything calmed down in the camp again.

Meanwhile, on May 27, part of the troops was sent from Samarkand to Kara-Tube. The village, occupied by the people of Shakhrisyab, defended itself very stubbornly. We suffered significant damage and, retreating to Samarkand, could only say that we had defeated the enemy, but not just so that he would not dare to accompany us on the way back.

A similar outcome of the case, and at the same time the news from Kata-Kurgan that attacks on the detachment stationed there were repeated more and more stubbornly and on a larger and larger scale, required decisive measures. It was decided, leaving the 6th battalion and 100 sappers with two battery guns in Samarkand, to move all the other troops to Kata-Kurgan, and, joining General Golovachev’s detachment there, follow the road to Bukhara and defeat the emir, who, as it was It is known that with all his strength he stood on Zyrabulak.

On May 31, the commander of the troops set out for Kata-Kurgan. The garrison left in Samarkand was extremely upset that he would have to sit idly by, while others would

fight. Some, however, were not discouraged. - “Just wait: when they leave for Kata-Kurgan, they will attack Samarkand and we will be under siege,” those who remained comforted themselves. Those who left just laughed. Almost no one believed in the possibility of a siege. With a few exceptions, they treated the matter very lightly, and did not understand that the attack on Samarkand was a necessary consequence of the state of affairs and that the only question could be how dangerous this attack would be. With envy, we saw off those who left, not assuming that a more brilliant fate was being prepared for us.The appearance of the enemy. - The location of the inhabitants. - Hadji-Arar Gates. - First assault on the citadel.On the very next day, after the speech of Adjutant General Kaufman, we noticed a significant concentration of the enemy on Chapan-ata. He had two guns with him, from which he fired from time to time. Since the distance was very significant. about five miles in a straight direction, we saw only smoke, and sometimes the sound of a shot was barely audible. This firing was carried out by the enemy for the sole purpose of showing the garrison that he had guns.

At the same time, from the side of the road in Kara-Tube, Shakhrisyab residents appeared. Every now and then new information came about. In the north, in the direction of the Chelek road, dust also appeared, and in general a lively movement of horse and foot people was noticed. It became obvious that Samarkand was surrounded by significant forces. What consequences could result from this could be partly judged by the mood of the inhabitants.

Even the day before, driving through the city, it was easy to notice a special emptiness in the streets. The young and old seem to have never been here. If you came across residents - always in groups, near the mosque, then they were all young and strong subjects capable of handling cartoons or batik.

When passing by such a gathering, it was useful not to pay attention to the fact that the lively conversation that had been carried on up to that time ceased. The stern faces and the impudent look of the faithful showed that between them ripening towards the Russians - if not already ripe - an extreme dislike, followed by an open uprising. And: and such a crowd, during the passage of a Russian, large curses were already heard, uttered, although not quite loudly, but rather

boldly. A certain hesitation about the final attack, it seems to us, was due to the fact that the enemy did not seem to yet fully believe in his own strength and in our unenviable position. The fact that would have clearly proved the latter circumstance to him was not slow to present itself.

On the morning of the 2nd, the commandant, listening to the insistent requests of several residents who wanted the Russians to protect the city from the invasion of the Shahrisyabians, with two companies and two guns moved to the Hadji-Arar Gates, where, according to the same Sarts, the enemy accumulated in significant numbers. forces. Having passed through the empty streets of the city and approaching the gates, we believed that our mere presence would force the enemy, if there really was one, to retreat. We were wrong. The column had just pulled out of the Haji Arar Gates, shots rang out from the gardens, at first rare, then more and more frequent. Scattered shooters. They put a gun on a hill and fired two grenades into the gardens. The firefight intensified. Our position was very disadvantageous. We had to more or less group on the road, on both sides of which stretched rather high walls, which did not allow us to see everything that was happening in the gardens. On the contrary, the enemy, hiding in the gardens, could surround us and cause significant harm. Therefore, we retreated, occupied the gates, closed them and scattered the shooters behind the battlements of the walls. It was clear that the enemy was getting stronger. We have, despite our closed position, a few people out of action. At last the huts and gardens in front of the gate were filled with the enemy. Separate individuals rushed to the walls occupied by us. One daredevil, dissatisfied with the sack, from which he initially shot from his cartoon, began to make his way to the gate. A soldier standing behind the battlements noticed this and fired. The wounded Sart first fell, but then got up again and took up his gun. - "Hurry, brethren!" he shouted, in broken Russian.

Having spread to the right and to the left, the enemy could cut us off from the citadel, and therefore the commandant ordered us to retreat to the citadel. Our retreat was the signal for the attack. Everything that until that time had been kept at a respectful distance rushed to Samarkand. The enemy realized his strength, and from that moment the struggle was to take on a serious character.

We dare not say that Baron Stempel must not

was to move from the citadel: perhaps the reasons that prompted him to do so were very respectful; but we allow ourselves to think that before leaving the citadel, it was necessary to decide the question: is it not possible to risk moving to meet the enemy in the gardens, drive him out with a bold blow and, if possible, even pursue to a certain extent? If, after a mature discussion, this question had been decided in the negative, then, it seems to us, there would be nothing to think about moving towards the Hadji-Arar Gates. In the reverse solution of the same question, the course of action is itself clear.

As soon as we had time, as they say, to get out, the citadel was immediately surrounded and the porridge was brewed.

The enemy, following directly behind the retreating companies and then spreading to the right and left, rushed straight to storm the walls and gates. The first push was terrible. The most rapid fire directed at the citadel; desperate attempts to seize the cemetery with open force, scratching at coolness with the help of so-called cats; a friendly onslaught on the Samarkand and Bukhara gates, which had just managed to close; the menacing, incessant cries of the besiegers, from whose side zurns were played, drums were beaten, the trumpet rattled - all this was only the beginning ....... For each of us, these were the most difficult minutes.

As soon as we arrived at the Samarkand Gates, a non-commissioned officer ran up.

- “Your honor! broke in!"

- “Here, now,” he said, choking ... “there is no one there ......

Appropriate orders are made; people run in the indicated direction, rush to the gap, overturn the enemy into the city, climb the wall in order to be able to shoot back; many of them fall back and rise no more, their place is taken by others.

So, from the other side, a Russian “cheers” is heard, a shot is heard, another. The rattling of the guns gets louder and louder. Screams are heard again, this time not Russian; then everything merges into a general rumble and din, among which nothing can be disassembled. Increasingly, the wounded and the dead are being dragged along. The enemy is pushing harder and harder.

At about two o'clock, the enemy, having opened fire near the very Samarkand

gate, began to throw bags of gunpowder there. Gate cloths. knocked together from completely dry wood, and the pillars supporting them quickly caught fire. It was not possible to extinguish the fire, because, as we will see, there were no funds for this. Not limited to the fire of the Samarkand Gates, the besieger tried to fire it inside the citadel as well. To this end, he threw over the wall, near the southeast corner of the citadel, a special rocket device, which, due to the irregularity of the flight, resembled crackers arranged from ordinary paper. These rockets, having burned one or two people, did not bring us any harm.

Right here. only a little closer to the Bukhara Gates, the besieger began to actively cut off the wall, in the hope of causing a collapse. We heard his work clearly. To prevent the production of these works, by order of Captain Mikhnevich, a ladder was placed against the wall so that hand grenades could be thrown at the work from it. The gunners got used to it very quickly. One of them, almost Mikhnevich himself, played a very funny joke with the enemy: standing on the stairs and holding a prepared grenade in his hands, he called out to the Sarts who were working on the other side of the wall. The knocking of the ketmens subsided, the enemy listened. - "Here's a present for you," the joker shouted, throwing a grenade over the wall: "eat!" Curses were heard and several stones flew over the wall. Apparently, they did not like the meal. The one who proposed it was very pleased. Similar jokes were repeated, and almost always with the same success. In general, hand grenades, not only here, but also at other points, brought enormous benefits to the garrison. They were used on time and with full knowledge of the matter. Of course, it was not without curiosities, as we will see later. But the curiosities, funny in themselves, were nothing more than particulars and were lost in the general, which was far from comforting.

By the evening of the 2nd, Lieutenant Colonel Nazarov, with a weak ninth battalion and 100 sappers, was sent to the Bukhara Gates, where the enemy directed more and more efforts

Bukhara Gate. - Morning of June 3rd. - The state of affairs by the evening of the same number. - Sorties - Subsequent days of defense. - Return of Adjutant General Kaufman to Samarkand.

When Lieutenant Colonel Nazarov arrived at the Bukhara Gates, they presented a striking picture. Produced here by the enemy

the fire was in full swing (8). It's already dark. The burning gate illuminated a small area and part of the street inside the citadel. Our gun was standing on the platform, and a little further, in the street, a crowd of defenders gathered in serious and stern faces. on which one could notice some strange interrogative expression. Everyone was silent, waiting for something extraordinary.

The hunters-sappers called in tore off the burning curtains of the gates and made a blockage from the bags, behind which the gun was placed from the torn sheets and the ceiling that then collapsed in front of the blockage, a fire was formed that burned until the morning of the next day. The enemy tried to keep the fire going. We happened to see how a ten-year-old Sart boy, hiding from our shots with a ledge of the tower, threw firewood and chips on the fire at the very time when we were making a blockage a few steps from the daredevil.

In the city, near the enemy, there was the busiest traffic and noise. His militant cry was echoed by drums, zurns and a terribly roaring trumpet, calling the faithful to battle. In a large stone mosque, opposite the Bukhara Gates, the leader of the Shahrisabians, Jura-biy, made a holiday (tamasha) in honor of the successful course of the siege. We heard the sounds of tambourine and zurn entertaining the dignitaries of Kitab. The enemy, having not yet done anything decisive, was already triumphant and behaved extremely boldly. Every now and then people on foot and even on horseback flashed past the opening of the gate; about a hundred paces from the citadel, near the pond, several Sarts made a fire and settled down, having cooked pilau, to have supper and rest after the day's work. From the right tower of the gate you can (it hurts to see this group, illuminated by a blazing fire. One of the officers of the 9th battalion, having climbed one of the sakels located directly at the very gates, with 6-7 soldiers fired a volley into the robes and dispersed them.

The dark southern night has come. As if illuminated, the city and the citadel were ablaze with fire: there was a most frequent exchange of fire, and cannon shots were heard from the barbettes of the citadel. Clearly, none of us thought about sleep, It was beginning to get light. The enemy moved somewhat away from the walls and gathered strength. The shots from his side thinned out, although they did not stop during the whole night. There was a calm for three or four hours, after which, everyone felt it, a hurricane should come.

From seven or eight o'clock, the shooting began to flare up. The enemy fumbled. Busy traffic and running around were noticeable along the streets of the city. At times, at the very walls of the citadel, in the general noise, one could distinguish the orders made by the enemy and the orders given. Sarts were preparing for the assault.

Soon, as on the eve, the Shahrisyab trumpet roared, zurns began to play, drums beat. Enemy with ur cry! (bey) threw himself on the walls of the citadel. His arrows, seated in high two-story shacks, inflicted enormous damage on the garrison. A hail of stones rained down on the defenders from three sides. With difficulty, they managed to remove the wounded and the dead and replace their places. In particular, the people who occupied the sakli on the right side of the gate endured. Here, as has already been noted, the windows and doors opened onto the roofs of the city sakels, climbing on which it was already easy for the enemy to get into the citadel. At twenty minutes past ten the aforementioned saklis were occupied by him; a friendly onslaught was made on the gates and the bags covering them were scattered; part of the wall to the left of the gate also passed into the hands of the besiegers, who fired almost point-blank at the defenders; our gunners, by accident, loaded the gun with gunpowder to the muzzle - no shot was fired; our people recoiled and crowded in the street leading to Kok-tash. Two or three people from among the attackers rushed to the abandoned gun and grabbed its wheels. A formidable moment came: our soldiers stood still, shouted hurray and died ... The courage of Lieutenant Colonel Nazarov and the personal example of Ensign Vereshchagin corrected the matter. The latter, with a gun in his hands, at the head of several people, rushed into the hut, occupied by the enemy, and knocked him over with bayonets into the city; the rest unanimously hit the gate. The enemy could not withstand the onslaught: panic seized him, and several of our men who jumped out of the gate fired at the fleeing.

The morning of June 3 will long remain in the memory of those who were at the Bukhara Gates that day. To this day, certain episodes are extremely vividly recalled to us, as if everything that had happened had happened very recently. It is especially difficult to forget the Handmaid. At the very beginning of the assault, he was not at the Bukhara Gates, but he came to them at the very moment when his subordinates so unsuccessfully loaded the gun and backed away from it. Sluzhenko was riding a dark brown horse and wearing a white tunic. The expression on his face was

something special. For some reason, the fatalist Lermontov came to my mind ....... "They will kill the Servant," I thought. In a white clean tunic, and, moreover, on horseback, it was indeed difficult not to attract the attention of the enemy. No sooner had Sluzhenko left for the site than he was mortally wounded in his left side. He swayed in his saddle, turned pale, turned his horse back into the street, but did not let go of the reins. - "Are you injured"? I asked him, but got no answer. He was taken off his horse and sent to the infirmary, where he did not live to see the evening.

The fate of this officer is remarkable. Almost at the beginning of his service in the Turkestan region, he was captured in Bukhara, he endured there for quite a long time, suffered a lot of grief and hardship, which it was even difficult for him to talk about. The maid, despite his reserved and somewhat unsociable nature, was loved by everyone and was extremely upset by his death.

I also remember Nazarov, whose presence at the Bukhara Gates on the 3rd was of such great importance for the defense: he was in a yellow silk shirt, with a cover on his head instead of a cap and in shoes, a Caucasian saber over his shoulder, a revolver in his belt. "Forward guys! Behind me!" he shouts to the soldiers with his energetic voice...

And here is the bugler of the sapper company: he trumpets the offensive and blushed like a cancer from the effort; taking the horn from his mouth, he says to his comrades in a plaintive, breathless voice: "What are you, brothers?..." mouth half open, lips dry and white; he clings to his comrades and does not even scream ....... One of the soldiers reads the Mother of God ....... The Ural Cossack complains about his fate ... “They take the gun, they take the gun, you can hear it in the back rows .. .” - “Who is with me, guys, come here!” says Vereshchagin; his face is pale, his eyes are burning; he has an open head, his hair flutters in the wind ...

But the picture has changed. The enemy retreated. We rest. Someone said that a detachment was coming to our rescue. A loud, joyful "cheers" is heard between the defenders. A team is formed, which must go towards the detachment. Vesky wants to be in its ranks. Tired faces perked up....... The news turned out to be wrong. Again the picture is changing.

No matter how hard it was for the defenders who stood directly at

walls, but the sick and wounded, placed in Kok-Tash, were even worse. Each new wounded sent there announced that everything was lost, there was no hope for a successful outcome of the case. One soldier of the 6th battalion, who ran there, announced that Nazarov and all the officers at the Bukhara Gate had been killed, the enemy had taken away the gun, and he had finally broken in. The uproar that the Jewish families raised, who had taken refuge in the citadel from the very beginning, was terrible. There were also comic cases. So, one sick officer, who was lying during the siege in Kok-Tash, slept very soundly next to his comrade. A cat climbed onto the latter, which frightened the patient so much that he screamed at the top of the hut. The one lying next to him woke up and, assuming that the decisive moment had come, jumped up, began to look for a saber and call for a batman. - “Farwal, farwal!” he said in a breathless voice. But when it was explained to him that the cat was the cause of his commotion, he began to calm down. - “And I thought they were farted. Sergei, a glass of vodka! ...... Even more comical was one clerk who happened to be in Samarkand during the siege. He was small, frail, and generally very unrepresentative. With a double-barreled shotgun over his shoulders, this volunteer walked importantly around the citadel, considering himself among the most important and necessary defenders. Talking to the soldiers, he adopted a warlike posture, twirling his mustache, repeating loudly every now and then: - “We will set the bells to these smuggling dogs! Let's try again." It happened to this warrior, on the 2nd, after the assault, to stop opposite the opening of the Bukhara Gate. One of the bullets that kept flying in that direction must have whistled just above his ear. The warrior first bent over and sat down, and then rushed to the side. - “What, brother, is this not to sell cigarettes?” asked a soldier sitting nearby. - “This, brothers, he bowed to us: forgive me, they say, that I sell dearly,” quipped another. Everyone laughed. The embarrassed volunteer cringed and quietly left.

About noon we noticed something unusual in the city. There was some turmoil going on; terrible dust rose from running around, screams were heard. The enemy supported the skirmish with the citadel very weakly. Only in the evening did we find out what it all meant. It turned out that the people of Shakhrisyab, who had learned about the defeat of the emir at Zyrabulak on the 2nd, launched the third, last desperate assault, which was supposed to decide the fate of Samarkand. Failing, they decided to retreat. Why did the emir, contrary to the previously accepted

intention, did not refrain and accepted the fight on June 2, we do not know. Maybe this was done for some very good reasons, or maybe just one whim of Muzafar, in any case, the failure to fulfill the original plan greatly irritated the people of Shakhrisyab, who, having robbed the Samarkand bazaar, went to the mountains.

With their departure, our situation has changed significantly for the better. The enemy weakened, at least by half, because the people of Shakhrisyab were distinguished by relatively serviceable weapons and a warlike spirit. We, for our part, looked around somewhat and began to get used to our position. Previous assaults have pointed out to us points that require the best protection, and found out the reason for the advantage that the besieger had over the defender. The reason was that there was no gap between the wall of the citadel and the city, as a result of which the enemy could secretly approach the citadel, occupy the highest sacks near it and, breaking through loopholes in them, at 25-30 paces of distance, surely beat every soldier forced protrude from behind the wall or stand against a wide, hastily punched loophole in order to act on the besieger. In order to destroy the disastrous value of the sakels located near the citadel, and on the other hand, to entertain the soldiers and plant greater confidence in their strength, on the 3rd of the evening, at the initiative of Lieutenant Colonel Nazarov, a sortie was made from the Bukhara Gate, which ended very successfully.

Thus, after the departure of the Shakhrisyab people, the nature of the defense changed: instead of defending every point of the defensive fence with huge losses and not daring to think about any enterprise outside it, from the evening of the 3rd, we begin to make sorties, which is already clearly proves a significant change in the situation. From this it can be seen that the eight-day siege of Samarkand can be divided into two acts: the day of the 2nd and half of the 3rd - the most difficult and serious time of defense, which had tremendous moral significance for the garrison - the first act; the next days, when I had to think mainly about whether or not there would be enough water in the ponds and salt in the warehouses - the second.

We usually got ready for our trips before dark. The soldiers collected straw, small chips, took several packs of matches. Kindling was tied in bunches and put on bayonets. When it got dark, they pushed back the door that closed the hole between the bags,

against which the cannon stood, and, one by one, without noise, they went out into the city. By nightfall, the enemy was withdrawing further into the city, and therefore we did not meet resistance. Having gathered outside the gates, we set off along a pre-selected street, dispersed through the yards and kindled a fire in the sakly, where it seemed most profitable. Completely dry parts of buildings caught fire extremely quickly. The growing flames illuminated the part of the street that was being destroyed. People flitted along it, fussing around the bonfires. Soon the fire developed completely. It was glowing over him. The enemy finally paid attention to the sortie and intensified the shooting in this direction. Bullets began to whistle in the vicinity. Having done the job, we returned to the citadel, and, as far as I remember, we had no losses. Only the sortie of the 4th did not go completely unpunished.

It was produced by Nazarov from the Samarkand Gates. It was three o'clock in the afternoon. The enemy kept up a lively exchange of fire with our men who occupied the gates. Nazarov ordered to make three shots of cannonballs at the nearest sacks from the cannon standing here, after which, having formed a team, he led it to the city. At the very first steps, we stumbled upon the enemy, who, apparently, did not expect an attack and began to hastily retreat into the depths of the city. While chasing him and pushing him further towards the bazaar, we lit the sakli in the meantime.

On this day, it was planned to go around the citadel in the direction of the Bukhara Gates and try to burn the sakli so as to form continuous ruins in front of the citadel wall, between the Samarkand and Bukhara gates, where the enemy held on especially tightly and from where they caused us a lot of harm. The goal, this time, although not quite, but was achieved.

Vereshchagin and the merchant Trubchaninov took part in the sortie. The latter completely entered the role of the most fierce warrior and every now and then shouted to the soldiers: “Beat them guys, beat them! Ten people of children, guys, hit! At one of the mosques, he stumbled upon an armed Sart, did not get lost, kissed and killed him on the spot. - “Beat them, dogs, guys! ten children!...” the venerable father of the family spoke with great conviction, loading his gun again.

Two small incidents happened to Vereshchagin, which, however, ended happily. Looking around one of the side courtyards, he saw a sart armed with batik, on which,

of course, and was not slow to attack. But since Vereshchagin's gun was not loaded, he had to use a bayonet. He had little strength, and the bayonet had no effect on the sart wrapped in robes. The latter, grabbing the gun barrel with his hand, was already preparing to deal with Vereshchagin's batik and did not do this only because he was in the corner and could not swing. The soldiers arrived in time to rescue "his degree", as they called Vereshchagin. Another case with him is also not without interest. Passing by a two-tiered hut, Vereshchagin saw five armed Sarts on the second floor, watching the movement of the Russians through a small opening. Vereshchagin immediately jumped up to the sakla and thrust his bayonet into the hole. Sarts grabbed the barrel of the gun and dragged the warrior up. I would have had to lose my gun if the soldiers had not come to the rescue again. Those who wanted to take advantage of someone else's property were, of course, persecuted, and they did not even put up much resistance. In general, Central Asians die somehow passively. On the same sortie, we happened to be a witness to a remarkable, in this respect, fact.

One soldier, probably not distinguished by great courage, lagged behind the others and walked at a considerable distance behind, four Sarts, hiding in one of the sackels and unnoticed by the people in front, jumped out of their ambush and attacked the lagging one. Three of them were armed with batiks, the fourth, it seems, had a cartoon. The soldier's gun was unloaded. He apparently did not expect the attack and was completely at a loss. - "Brothers, help!" he shouted to his comrades ahead. Five people who heard the scream rushed to help. But while they ran to the scene, one of the Sarts (the other three, seeing the approach of the Russians, fled) managed to hit the bewildered soldier with batik on the head and was about to repeat the blow. Wounded by one of the running up soldiers with a bullet in the arm, he lowered the batik, did not budge, and surrendered without resistance to the fate that awaited him .......

Religious fanaticism sometimes leads Asians to extremely bold, even reckless antics. On the fourth day, on a sortie, some of the people were left by Nazarov at the crossroads to cover the other half, moving further from the bazaar, since there were always large crowds at the latter. The people left in this place busied themselves with lighting the sakels and watching

behind the street leading to the market. Unexpectedly for everyone, three sarts appeared on the roof of the corner hut; everyone in the field had stones with which they began to bombard us. It is clear that the stones could not equal the bullet, and the daredevils remained in place.

The sortie on the 4th was especially useful in regard to the moral significance it had on the garrison. This was not a nightly movement in secret, but a bold and successful offensive during the day, which gave the garrison the right not to consider itself completely enclosed in the citadel.

The commandant, as it turned out, did not know about Nazarov's movement into the city. He was very alarmed by this and even sent a team to ensure a sortie of free retreat to the citadel. This measure, however, turned out to be unnecessary, since the enemy, puzzled by the bold movement of Nazarov, did not dare to attack his people.

The night from the 2nd to the 3rd, as already noted, we did not close our eyes, and therefore everyone was extremely tired. In the following nights, in order not to exhaust the people, it was decided to divide them into shifts so that one would stay awake and support the skirmish, and the rest would rest. At the same time, of course, sleeping was located at the very gate behind the bags and along the edges of the site. But since any accident has a stronger effect on a person who has just woken up than on a waking person, Colonel Nazarov ordered to bring his bed, ordered to put it near the gun itself and went to bed. Such an act had a double meaning: firstly, in case of alarm, Nazarov was where his presence was considered absolutely necessary; secondly, the soldiers, seeing the “colonel” next to them, fell asleep quite calmly, in full confidence that nothing special would happen to them. In such a mood, no nighttime alarm could stun the soldier. - “Look, guys,” Nazarov told the soldiers, sitting on the bed, “do not dare to make noise, I want to sleep; and these scoundrels (he nodded his head towards the city) should not be allowed to interfere with my rest.

In general, Nazarov knew how to talk with soldiers; they were always pleased and often laughed heartily after some of his jokes. With his cheerful character, and more, of course, courage in critical moments, Nazarov gained great respect for himself not only from soldiers, but also from officers. With the latter, he was on the shortest leg, he said “you” to many and did not hesitate to scold,

if he felt it was necessary. Merchants and clerks hoped for him as for a stone mountain. Nazarov used this very well. - "Bring, brother, a box of cigars: you see, the soldiers want to smoke." - Or: - “Here, brothers,” he addresses the soldiers, in the presence, of course, of the same merchant: “they want to treat you with vodka before dinner.” - It is clear that both cigars and vodka immediately appeared on the stage.

Despite the departure of Shahrisyab residents, the enemy continued to besiege the city with great energy. Attempts to break into the citadel were repeated several times a day. The last of them, made on June 7, on the eve of the return of the commander of the troops to Samarkand, was the most desperate. Having gathered for saklys against the Bukhara Gates, the enemy began to read prayers that were heard to us from word to word. Having finished them, op rushed to the gate. Buckshot and hand grenades stopped the attackers. His arrows lay down along the ditch fifteen paces from our obstruction with a gun and fired at the gates; the rest crowded behind the left tower until they were finally dispersed by grenades. Fireworks was in charge of this business. One of the sapper soldiers, Ivanov, I remember, offered his help to the artilleryman. - "Give it, he says, I'll throw it." - “If you please, drop it,” the artilleryman answered him, “only you look ... - “What to watch? let the sarts watch, and I'll quit," Ivanov quipped and took the grenade in his hands. The fireworks lit the pipe. Everything was in order so far. Ivanov swung to throw a grenade over the wall, but, unexpectedly for all those present, he was confused and dropped it on the floor in a circle of ten comrades. We barely had time to jump out of the tower, otherwise it would have been bad.

The Samarkand citadel presented a terrible, amazing picture to the detachment returning from Kata-Kurgan. Smoky piles of collapsed sakels that we set on fire on sorties; burnt, mutilated corpses scattered among the ruins and emitting an unbearable stench that polluted the air; the emaciated and smoky faces of the defenders, who kept on their feet only due to moral stress - that's what the detachment imagined on June 8th. Fresh traces of the struggle were eloquent proof of her tenacity. The garrison was happy, realizing that the share entrusted to it was fulfilled honestly.

E. Voronets

13:24 - REGNUM

The entry of Russian troops into Samarkand. N.N. Karazin. 1888 State Russian Museum, St. Petersburg

1868 May 26 (May 14 O.S.) Russian troops took the capital of the Bukhara Khanate Samarkand

"On the night of the 11th to the 12th, the streets of the city and gardens were reinforced with barricades and blockages, and the walls of the gardens were put in a defensive position. Hoping to delay the time by negotiations, Huseyn-bek sent new messengers to Colonel Abramov, and in the meantime placed troops and residents behind barricades and rubble.

At about midnight, three more messengers came to Colonel Abramov, of whom one called himself Huseyn-bek. Colonel Abramov had already begun to talk to him, as to Huseyn-bek; but the matter was soon cleared up, and the deceivers confessed everything. Then, having detained two of them in the camp, Colonel Abramov sent a third to Urgut, ordering him to tell Huseyn-bek that if he did not come to him at seven o'clock in the morning, then the detachment would move towards the city. The messenger returned at five o'clock in the morning and said that Hussein-bek was asking for a three-day deadline. At the same time, the messenger made it clear that no one had yet taken Urgut, and that if the Russians wanted to take the city by force, it was still unknown how the matter would end. Colonel Abramov dismissed the messengers, telling them that he would wait for Huseyn-bek until nine o'clock in the morning, and that if Huseyn-bek did not arrive by that time, he would take possession of the city.

When dawn broke, enemy pickets could be seen around the camp of our detachment; in the rear stood a large party of horsemen, and in front, in the gardens, a large camp of infantry and cavalry, in which, from time to time, false shots were heard.

At nine o'clock the detachment moved towards the city, but barely had time to move a verst before it had to stop. Hussein-bek sent a letter addressed to the commander of the troops and asked not to start business until he received an answer. Colonel Abramov did not accept the letter and ordered the messengers who delivered it to tell Huseyn-bek that if he did not appear in half an hour, he would continue moving. Half an hour later, the messengers returned, but this time they announced directly that Huseyn-bek would not appear either to him or to the commander of the troops, that now the troops had already been assembled and the city was ready for defense. The answer was an order to form a battle formation.

Having built a battle formation, the detachment continued to move and soon entered the hollow. About a mile and a half from the city, as soon as the detachment was drawn into the hollow, crowds of mounted enemy began to drive against the right flank of the detachment. Single riders, riding forward, fired shots and again retired into the crowd. Crowds of cavalry, masking the location of the infantry stationed behind the barricades and walls of the gardens, also began to disturb the detachment with shots and porches from the front. Colonel Abramov, having stopped the troops, ordered the cavalry-lightweight battery division to open fire. A few successful shots from the cavalry-lightweight division dispersed the cavalry crowds, and the detachment, moving forward, soon approached the edge of the gardens. The walls of the edge were densely lined with infantry, armed with a small number of guns, and on the road to the city there was a large blockage, occupied by dense masses of the enemy on foot, armed partly with guns, partly with batiks. Colonel Abramov instructed Major Gripenberg to knock the enemy out of the edge and attack the blockage, and ordered Yesaul Khoroshkhin, with a hundred Ural Cossacks, to rush to the blockage from the flank. The cavalry division was ordered to open fire with grenades.

After giving the cavalry division time to bombard the enemy with grenades, Major Gripenberg moved the companies of his battalion to the blockage. Protected by artillery fire, the companies of the Gripenberg battalion, despite the large number of the enemy occupying the blockage, valiantly rushed to the blockage, and after a short but stubborn hand-to-hand fight with batiks and aybalts, forced the enemy to retreat behind the next blockage. Major Gripenberg and Yesaul Horoshkhin, following ahead of their units, were among the first to be wounded, but did not leave their places and led their units further. Blockages were arranged every 180 and 200 steps. The enemy defended stubbornly; it was possible to take each blockage only after hand-to-hand combat. The enemy either retreated step by step, or tried to go on the offensive, throwing batiks and bayonets at the company columns from the front, while the other part of it, running around the gardens, attacked from the rear. The rearguard often had to knock out the enemy because of the blockages that were left by them after the battle with the warheads of our detachment. Driven out of the gardens, the enemy defended weakly in the city, despite the fact that the streets were blocked by strong barricades.

At three o'clock in the afternoon, the city and citadel were occupied; the enemy fled, leaving up to 300 corpses in place. Our loss that day was as follows: 1 lower ranks killed; wounded: staff officers 1, chief officers 2, lower ranks 14; moreover, 6 lower ranks were bruised. Of the total number of wounded and bruised, 16 wounds were inflicted with sabers and batiks. Having destroyed the citadel and the barracks of the Sarbaz, Colonel Abramov returned to Samarkand in the evening of the 13th. The commander of the troops, having left to meet Abramov's detachment, greeted him with a word of gratitude. Urgut resigned himself; Hussein-bek fled to Shagrisyabs, and rais and katy-amin, with the oldest of the aksakals, on the morning of the 14th, brought bread and salt to the commander of the troops and expressed unconditional obedience.

However, our position was far from being as brilliant as it seemed at first. The initial belief that the campaign ended in one blow turned out to be conjecture. The peacefulness of the commander of the troops and his sincere desire not to increase the territory of the Turkestan Territory, which caused the enemy to offer to end the war by accepting condescending peace terms, was not understood by the emir and was not appreciated by him.

Having received news of an act unprecedented in the annals of the Asian peoples of the act of the inhabitants of Samarkand, who refused to defend the city and closed the gates in front of their defeated, asylum-seeking troops, the emir, in the heat of anger, ordered Shir-Alibi-biy to cut off the head of Mirza Galiy-bek, who had arrived from Samarkand with this sad news, and beat all the inhabitants of Samarkand, destroying the ancient capital of Tamerlane to the ground. He hoped that the Shagrisyabians would have time to occupy it before the Russians. The news of the voluntary surrender of Samarkand and the rapid entry of our troops into it frightened the emir and made a strong impression on the whole of Central Asia. The faithful mourned the loss of the holy city. The Emir could not remember this terrible loss for him without tears. "It would be better if God took my life than this city," he said more than once to his close associates.

Quoted from: Lyko M.V. Outline of the military operations of 1868 in the Zarafshan valley. - St. Petersburg: type. Dep-ta Udelov, 1871. pp. 76-79

History in faces

M.A. Terentiev:

Russian officers often make huge journeys alone. I'm not talking about postage riding - that goes without saying - but here, it happened, even the news of a gang attack on the upcoming station did not deter - I'm talking about horseback riding.

I myself had to make such walks several times: during the Samarkand expedition of 1868, on the third day after the battle of Chapan-Ata, I separated from the echelon, which was going to reinforce the vanguard, from the penultimate overnight stay in front of Samarkand and myself, a friend with ensign N ** * sneaked into the main squad. The impression of victory was so strong that the crowds of horsemen who came across to meet us respectfully shunned. The battlefield was teeming with marauders - natives who robbed clothes, weapons and cartridges, thrown in large numbers by the enemy. We drove through all the bazaars of the city, asking about the road, and finally stumbled upon a bunch of soldiers with guns - it was a convoy with a company artel worker who bought provisions.

Quoted from: Terentiev M.A. Russia and England in Central Asia. - St. Petersburg: type. P. P. Merkulyeva, 1875. pp. 327-328

The world at this time

In 1868, the British army captured the Ethiopian fortress of Magdala. Ethiopian Emperor Tewodros II commits suicide

Tewodros II surrounded by lions. 1890 engraving

"Theodore II. Tewodros II, before being proclaimed emperor - Kasa (Kassa) (1818, Kuara, - 13.4.1868, Mekdela fortress), emperor of Ethiopia since 1855. The son of a small estate feudal lord from Kuara (Kvara). Trying to turn Ethiopia into a strong centralized state, began to carry out reforms in order to strengthen the political power of the supreme ruler, to unite in his hands all state revenues and create a single army, banned the slave trade. Ethiopia. Relying on large feudal lords, Great Britain unleashed the Anglo-Ethiopian war of 1867-1868. After the capture of the Magdala (Mekdela) fortress by the British, Fedor II, not wanting to surrender, committed suicide."

Quoted from: Great Soviet Encyclopedia. M.: Soviet Encyclopedia, 1970-1977

In the USSR, we were given a picture of the friendship of the peoples of the USSR. But they hid the fact that Soviet power was imposed on the entire territory of the former Turkestan (present-day Central Asia) by coercive force. Before the October Revolution, Western (Russian) Turkestan was a flourishing outskirts with developed agriculture and processing industry. After the arrival of the Bolsheviks in Turkestan, the Civil War began, which led to significant destruction and economic decline. The introduction of fuel energy has begun.
The Soviet government actually bought the loyalty of the Central Asian republics in exchange for concessions.
After the collapse of the USSR corporation at the end of 1991, almost all the industry built during the years of Soviet power was dismantled, the able-bodied population of the former Central Asian republics works abroad, mainly in the Russian Federation.
In the period from 1918-42, the entire population of Turkestan rose to fight the red plague of Bolshevism and communism. This liberation movement was called Basmachi and had a sharply negative meaning during the years of Soviet power. But you can't hide the truth. Soviet power could not hold on to the territory of the USSR. The population of the former Turkestan is loyal to the white population of pre-revolutionary Turkestan, and not to the Jewish Red Bolshevik gangs. Before the October Revolution, Turkestan was white, Russian, after it, red, Jewish.


Samarkand 1930. There were water mills that could provide the whole city with electricity, street vendors were treated to water with ice and last year's snow, poured with syrup (similar to ice cream).
How did they manage to freeze the water and keep the ice from last winter? (see BADGIR).

Why were madrasahs and mosques destroyed, why did Ulug-bek's minaret lean?

There was a civil war, Samarkand was almost destroyed.

1929 - the Vatican was formed, religions began to be planted.

8:08-teahouse, a sign in 2 fonts: in Latin and Cyrillic.

In those days, the Soviet government carried out the Latinization of the languages ​​​​of the USSR.

What Samarkand looked like in 1930 when it ceased to be the capital

The Soviet government completed the construction of the Turksib (Turkestan-Siberian Railway) and confidently entrenched itself in the vast territory of Turkestan.

Zhirinovsky is right in asserting from the rostrum of the State Duma about the voluntary-compulsory imposition of Soviet power in Turkestan.
The money invested in Turkestan has gone like water in the sand, everything that was built during the years of Soviet power has now been dismantled, the able-bodied population of Central Asia is working in Russia. With the current political system, no one will develop and invest money in Central Asia. The Bolsheviks artificially divided Turkestan into republics and nations.

Zhirinovsky. The Uzbeks took Samarkand and Bukhara from the Tajiks. Kazakhs and Kyrgyz are one people.

Briefly about the history of Turkestan:

In 1868, Samarkand was occupied by Russian troops and annexed to the Russian Empire and became the center of the Zeravshan district, which was transformed in 1887 into Samarkand region. In the same year, the Samarkand garrison under the command of Major General and Baron Friedrich von Stempel repelled an attempt by Samarkand residents to overthrow the Russian government. In 1888, the Trans-Caspian railway was brought to the city station, which was subsequently extended to the east.

After the October Revolution, the city became part of the Turkestan ASSR. In 1925-1930 it was the capital of the Uzbek SSR, and since 1938 - the center of the Samarkand region of this union republic.

Rail transport reached Samarkand in 1888 as a result of the construction of the Trans-Caspian Railway in 1880-1891 by the railway troops of the Russian Empire in the territory of modern Turkmenistan and the central part of Uzbekistan. This railway started from the city of Krasnovodsk (now Turkmenbashi) on the coast of the Caspian Sea and ended at the station of the city of Samarkand.

It was the Samarkand station that was the terminal station of the Trans-Caspian railway. The first station of the Samarkand station was opened in May 1888.
Later, due to the construction of the railway in other parts of Central Asia, the station was connected to the eastern part of the Central Asian railway and subsequently this railway was called the Central Asian Railways.

In the Soviet years, not a single new line was connected to the Samarkand station, but at the same time it was one of the largest and most important stations of the Uzbek SSR and Soviet Central Asia.

By the time the territorial expansion of the Russian Empire began, there were three state entities on the territory of modern Uzbekistan: the Emirate of Bukhara, the Kokand Khanate and the Khiva Khanate. In 1876, the Kokand Khanate was defeated by the Russian Empire, the Khanate was abolished, and the central territories of the Khanate were included in the Fergana region.
By the beginning of the 20th century, Central Asia was part of the Russian Empire and at the beginning of the formation of Soviet power, despite the resistance of the Basmachi to the Bolsheviks, all of Central Asia became part of the Soviet Union, from the Turkestan ASSR, the Bukhara Republic and the Khorezm Republic.

From November 27, 1917 to February 22, 1918, an unrecognized independent state existed on the territory of Uzbekistan - the Turkestan autonomy.

In January 1918, after the Turkestan autonomy refused to comply with the ultimatum presented to recognize the power of the Soviets, to eliminate the self-proclaimed Turkestan autonomy from Moscow to Tashkent arrived 11 echelons with troops and artillery , under the command of Konstantin Osipov.

From February 6 to February 9, 1918, street battles took place, with significant casualties and destruction in which more than 10 thousand civilians died. This operation destroyed the trust of the local population in the Russian revolution, the central and local Soviet authorities for many decades. The response to the liquidation of the Turkestan autonomy was a powerful national liberation partisan movement, known in Soviet historiography as the Basmachi, liquidated by the Soviet government only in the 1930s.
From school, we were painted the image of the Basmachi as villains who resisted Soviet power. We were lied to about what this Soviet power really was.

Basmachism (from the Turkic “basma” - raid + suffix -chi) is a military-political partisan movement of the local population of Central Asia in the first half of the 20th century, which arose after the 1917 revolution in the Russian Empire. The first significant centers of this movement arose after the defeat of the Kokand autonomy by the Bolsheviks in the territory of Turkestan, and after the national demarcation - in the territories of modern Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Kyrgyzstan, which set as its goal the fight against Soviet power and the expulsion of the Bolsheviks.
(All the people of Turkestan rose to fight the Red Infection, but the forces were unequal.)

The tactics of the Basmachi struggle was to, based in hard-to-reach mountainous and desert areas, make horse raids into densely populated areas, kill Bolsheviks, commissars, Soviet workers and supporters of Soviet power. The rebels resorted to partisan tactics: avoiding clashes with large units of regular Soviet troops, they preferred to suddenly attack small detachments, fortifications or settlements occupied by the Bolsheviks, and then quickly retreat.

Negotiations with representatives of the people (Basmachis). Fergana. 1921

Large organized armed groups of representatives of this movement were referred to in the Soviet media as Basmachi. The members of these armed groups called themselves Mujahideen, that is, participants in jihad - the holy war of Muslims against infidels, that is, non-Muslims.

In Soviet times, the concepts of Basmach and Basmachism had a connotation of extreme condemnation
. After the collapse of the USSR, the attitude towards the Basmachi in the independent republics of Central Asia is gradually being revised. Currently, this movement is called "the liberation movement of the peoples of Central Asia."
According to the official version, the Basmachi as an organized force was eliminated throughout Central Asia in 1931-1932, although separate battles and clashes continued until 1942.

Basmachi war against Soviet power (Wikipedia):

Main Conflict: Russian Civil War

Location: The whole of Western Turkestan, the territories of Eastern Turkestan, Afghanistan and Persia adjacent to Russia / USSR

Reason: The defeat of the Kokand autonomy by the Bolsheviks.

Outcome: Elimination of the Basmachi movement.

After the national-territorial demarcation of Central Asia, on October 27, 1924, the Uzbek Soviet Socialist Republic was formed with its capital in the city of Samarkand.
On September 1, 1930, the capital of the Uzbek SSR was moved from Samarkand to Tashkent.

The peasant population of the Uzbek SSR, like other republics of the USSR, was subjected to collectivization and dispossession. In 1931, more than 3.5 thousand kulak families were evicted from the republic, mainly to the Ukrainian SSR.
The population offered resistance - in January-March 1930 alone, there were 105 armed anti-collective farm demonstrations in the republic.

Forced Latinization of the languages ​​of the USSR.

I recommend watching an excellent film of 1955: the sunset of the Emirate of Bukhara.
You won't regret the time spent. It shows the Civil War on the territory of Turkestan
and the resistance of the Basmachi (liberation movement) to the hordes of the Reds.
Lots of interesting details.

Sunset of the Emirate of Bukhara (1955)

In the 1st millennium BC, the Holy Book of the Zoroastrians "Avesta" recorded on its pages a description of a developed agricultural area in the river valley Zerafshan(from Persian - “Gold-bearing”). The area is named in the Book - Sughd, and, thanks to the biographer Alexander the Great - Arrian, we also know the name of its main city - Maracanda.

In the VI century BC. e. expanding the borders of his state, the Persian king Cyrus conquered, among other lands, and Sughd. Almost two hundred years later, in the spring of 329 BC, having defeated the Persian army and pursuing the king Darius, Greco-Macedonian troops led by Alexander the Great invaded the territory Central Asia. Crossing over Amu Darya, the troops moved into the valley Politimeta(as the Greeks called Zerafshan, “very valuable”) to maracande- capital Sogdiana and took over the city.

Some time later in maracande an uprising will break out, which will soon cover the whole Sughd. Sogdian prince Spitamen for several years he will lead an uninterrupted guerrilla war with parts of the regular Macedonian army. But in the end, the heroic rebellion will be brutally crushed, Spitamen killed, and the city, by order of the Macedonian conqueror, was destroyed.

What is the exact time Maracanda remains in ruins unknown, but the city will be reborn in the southwestern part of the settlement Afrosiab. According to ancient legends, cities are built to become a link between the will of heaven and the will of the earth, and everything in the world will help ensure that the connection between them is not interrupted. At Samarkand there is an epithet Mahfouz("Keeped"), and for at least three thousand years, the city will be reborn, no matter what.

Around 306 BC, Sughd become part of the state Seleucid(Seleucus one of the generals Alexander the Great). Subsequently, the region will become part of Greco-Bactrian kingdom, and in the first centuries of our era - under the rule Kushan Empire. Such interest of the rulers of neighboring countries to Samarkand due to its favorable geopolitical location - the largest caravan routes passed through the city Great Silk Road from Syria, Turkey, Persia, India, China.

Around the middle of the 5th century, the dynasty established its dominance over the Central Asian lands. Hephthalites, and a little later (in 565) Turkic Khaganate. Around the same time, a lead centralized water supply line was laid in the city. "Arzis".

In 712 on Sughd will undertake a campaign Arabs. The conquerors shelled the walls Samarkand from three hundred projectile weapons, causing great destruction. Despite the stubborn resistance of the defenders of the city, after a month-long siege, the Arab troops, led by Kuteiby ibn Muslimah occupied the city.

At the beginning of 713 in Samarkand an uprising breaks out. The steppe Turks will come to the aid of the Sogdians. The uprisings will accompany the entire period of Arab rule. But the largest uprising will break out in the 770s under the leadership of Muqanna. In 806, the desperate inhabitants Sogd led by a commander Rafi ibn Leysom with the support of the Turks, the conquerors will be driven away. But the Arab caliph will again gather an army and personally lead a new campaign. In 809 Samarkand will be taken again. However, remembering the bitter experience of past uprisings, the Caliphate will return the right to rule to the local nobility, obliging it, however, to periodically pay taxes.

freed Samarkand will begin to experience a new upsurge, will become the largest city in the region (up to half a million inhabitants), a haven for Sufis and scientists. The city will be buried in the greenery of gardens, abundantly blooming in the microclimate of an extensive network of pools and fountains, produce paper, fabrics, glass, ceramics, jewelry, and ruling dynasties will change around: first Tahirides, then (in the IX-X centuries) Samanids, at the end of X-XI centuries - Karakhanids, Ghaznavids, Seljuk Sultanate, in XII Kara-Kitai And Khorezm Shahs.

Meanwhile in the east Mongolian tribes united under the rule Genghis Khan. Army Genghis Khan enter into Samarkand March 17, 1220 Despite the residents preparing for the siege, part of the local nobility will treacherously open the gates. Someone will be killed, most of them will be taken prisoner for military purposes, about 30 thousand artisans and craftsmen will be driven into Mongolia. The city is devastated. To be reborn again later.

Genghis Khan will die in seven years, shortly before dividing his empire between his sons ( Samarkand will go to Chagatai, second son Genghis Khan). The empire will agonize for almost a century and a half until it comes to power Amir Timur, and will not create his empire from east to west - from Kashmir before mediterranean sea, and from north to south Aral Sea before Persian Gulf, establishing in 1370 Samarkand as the imperial capital.

by design Timur grandeur and beauty Samarkand should have eclipsed all the capitals of the world. Majestic palaces are being built, mausoleum Gur-Emir, Bibi-Khanym Cathedral Mosque, a number of mausoleums Shokhi-Zindy which still amaze with their beauty and magnificence. Samarkand immersed in the greenery of 12 gardens surrounding it, and the surroundings are built up with villages with the names of the capitals of the world - Misr(Cairo), Dimishk(Damascus), Baghdad, Sultania, Farish(Paris) and others.

Samarkand decorates, the Empire grows, trade routes from China on Near East, and they again converge to Samarkand. At that time Ottoman Empire in 1396 utterly defeats the knights Europe and besieges Constantinople. Regent Constantinople, emperor Greece, ruler Venice offer Timur become an ally Europe. Alliance offers him and himself Sultan Bayezid. Timur makes his choice and on July 28, 1402, with his twenty thousandth army, defeats Bayezid at Ankara. After 500 years, the grateful French will install in paris gilded statue Timur which will be signed " Savior of Europe”.

4 years after death Timur the country will be ruled by his grandson - 15 years old Mirzo Ulugbek- a great scientist, whose 40-year era of reign will be held under the motto “The pursuit of knowledge is the duty of every Muslim”. The main brainchild Ulugbek is his Madrasah(University) on Registan Square And Observatory unparalleled either then or many years later. October 25, 1449 Ulugbek was killed on the orders of his own son Abdulatif. After 5 and a half months, myself Abdulatif will be executed, his head will be hung on the portal madrasah of Ulugbek, and "Paricide" will be written on the grave.

After Ulugbek Samarkand his descendants will rule and not for long Timurid Zahiriddin Bobur- founder of the state mughal V India.

In the international sphere, the Empire begins to lose its former greatness. Ottoman Turks subdue the whole Near East and take over the ports mediterranean sea through which trade took place Great Silk Road. caravan routes through Samarkand lose their meaning again. The decline of trade and handicraft production leads to stagnation in the economic life of the country.

In the 16th century, a dynasty seizes power Sheibanids, which united the Turkic tribes, but then power passes to Ashtarkhanids. The capital moves to Bukhara, however Samarkand still remains a large city with sciences and crafts continuing to develop.

A century later, under the dynasty Mangyt, Samarkand will be included in Khanate of Bukhara. At this time, the Samarkand Emir Bakhodur Yalangtush(“The hero with an open torso”, so named after he was left without armor and outerwear during one of the battles, and continued to fight) will build two other madrasahs at his own expense - Tillya-Kori And Sher Dor on Registan Square.